mildred_of_midgard: (Default)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
As summarized by Selena, Ziebura's take on the episode in which Heinrich is offered a crown:

August III of Poland & Saxony had died in 1763, and a polish delegation lead by Andreas Mokranowski showed up in Prussia to offer the crown to Heinrich. Now, not only was this when Fritz and Heinrich had just had one of their frequent bust-ups (this one involved the immortal dialogue "mon cher, you just don't understand" "Oh, I think I'm old enough to understand" (exit Heinrich to Rheinsberg, seriously, this from two men who'd just won the 7 Years War), but it also conflicted with Catherine's desire to put her boyfriend, the later unexpectedly self determined Poniatowski on the Polish throne. Fritz, who did not want a new conflict with Russia, therefore forebade Andreas Mokranowski to as much as speak to Heinrich. Who didn't find out until becoming buddies with Catherine years later when negotioting the first Separation of Poland.

As part of [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard's Poland research, she across a 1905 article by Volz that says, "Not so fast."

Ziebura's account, according to Volz, is the traditional picture repeated by historian after historian, all of whom are copying each other (Volz puts some passages side by side to show the copying evidence), but this claim, as stated, goes back to some very unreliable sources that get everything wrong. The most reliable sources we have, which are unfortunately not as primary source as we would like, but summaries of speeches made orally, have a slightly different take.

First, some political background: There were two parties in Poland, the pro-Russian party led by the Czartoryskis and Poniatowskis (remember that they intermarried), aka "The Family", and the pro-French "Patriots" led by Branicki and Prince Radziwill. When Catherine sent Russian troops to occupy Poland in 1764, Branicki tried to defy them, but he and his troops were forced to flee to Hungary. Then he decided to ask Russia's ally Prussia to mediate.

Right as this was happening, Fritz was finally signing the treaty with Catherine, in which he pledged himself to support Poniatowski as king.

Branicki sent Mokranowski to Berlin to ask Fritz to do two things: 1) Prevent any alteration of the traditional Polish liberties that were aimed at strengthening the monarch's powers, 2) mediate between the two parties.

We have the goals of the delegation and Fritz's handwritten marginal notes in reply, and there is not a single syllable about Heinrich or offering the crown to him.

The only sources we have that mention Heinrich are reports that claim to go back to Mokranowski. An anonymously published life of Heinrich (1784) says that Mokranowski came not from Branicki but from a Polish confederation, and that the purpose of the delegation was to offer Heinrich the crown, and, worst of all, he dates the episode to the First Polish Partition, several years later!

Another anonymous life of Heinrich (1809) copies from it (both the language and the same mistakes show this), but adds the detail that Mokranowski made two trips to Berlin, one in 1764 and one in 1768, with the same request, and was rejected twice. Volz says we know for a fact that Mokranowski only made one trip, in 1764, and that there is clearly a lot of fictionalization happening here.

The most reliable sources we have are summaries made of the speech Mokranowski made when he got back to Poland, when he reported what he and Fritz had said orally. (Unfortunately, we don't have Mokranowski's direct take.)

There is one by a Polish noble named Mosczynki and an anonymous one. In what they include, they pretty much agree, but the anonymous one, which includes more detail, is the only one to mention Heinrich.

Then there's a book on the history of Poland by a Frenchman named Rulhière (cited extensively by de Broglie as well as the H-W bio), that also mentions Heinrich. Now, Rulhière had been in Russia in 1762 and had written an eyewitness account of the Revolution (that Wikipedia tells me was only published posthumously, as Catherine kept trying to destroy it), but he was *not* an eyewitness of the 1764 events. His account of the 1764 delegation to Fritz is largely based on Mosczynki's account, but it includes some extra details not in there (like Heinrich). There is some evidence he knew Mokranowski personally, especially since Mokranowski stayed in Paris from August 1769. However, Rulhière also makes some mistakes in his account, like saying Mokranowski went to Berlin on his own accord, rather than on behalf of Branicki.

A final source that mentions Heinrich is Baron Goltz's report from Paris 1769, Goltz being the Prussian envoy to France (whom I mentioned recently in response to Selena's question) and former Prussian envoy to Peter III.

So, to recap, our three reliable-seeming sources that mention Heinrich are:
- An anonymous recap of Mokranowski's speech to the Poles by a Pole.
- A summary of this episode by a Frenchman who may have known Mokranowski in Paris in 1769.
- An envoy report written several years later by a Prussian who knew Mokranowski during his stay in Paris in 1769, and wrote to Fritz summarizing what Mokranowksi had told him of what happened in 1764.

These three sources agree that 1) the main point of the embassy had nothing to do with Heinrich, 2) Heinrich's name came up in passing as a possible candidate.

Rulhière's version (which has mistakes), has Mokranowski saying, "Give us a king, give us your brother Prince Henri." Goltz's version has him saying, "Why does Your Majesty not want to give us a king from your own hand? The Poles would accept with joy and confidence someone like Prince Henri." In both accounts, Fritz responds, "He doesn't want to become Catholic." [Lol, Fritz.]

Finally, Fritz's reply to Goltz says, "Mokranowksi did indeed mention the proposal that you included in your last letter."

Critically, says Volz, there is no mention of a formal offer, just an idea, and Goltz specifically has Henri included just as an example of someone they (meaning the anti-Russian party) would accept.

In conclusion, it sort of happened, but there was no delegation sent to Fritz *in order to* ask for Heinrich as king, he just sort of came up in conversation as a possibility.

We all agree Fritz noped right out of that, though. ;)

Given that the guy who casually mentioned Heinrich was representing a party that had just been kicked out of Poland by occupying Russian troops, and given Kunersdorf and Zorndorf, I can see why Fritz did not want to touch the clusterfuck that is Poland and a war with Russia with a ten-foot pole in 1764. But you can tell he very much doesn't trust Heinrich to do the right thing here: Rulhière's account has him saying, "No, he really doesn't [want to become Catholic], and his stance on this is so firm that there's no point in talking to him; I will protect you from seeing it."

In *other* interesting Fritz-and-Poland news, I read Volz's account of Heinrich's maneuverings to end up in St. Petersburg, and indeed, it is convincing that Fritz did not send Heinrich to Catherine to propose a partition, but that this was Heinrich's initiative...but I have since turned up something that Volz does not mention in that article (unless I missed it in a footnote), but seems incredibly relevant:

In February 1769, Fritz proposed a partition of Poland to his envoy in St. Petersburg. He tried to pass it off as the idea of Count Lynar (remember, the former Danish ambassador to Russia who lost a game of intrigue with Moltke), who was in Berlin at the time to marry his daughter to a Kamecke, but my source (a 2022 book on the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774) says that it was Fritz's idea, as no reference to any such thing has been found in Lynar's papers. I have no source for the claim that it's *not* in Lynar's papers, but I have read the original letter from Fritz to his envoy Solms in 1769 in the Political Correspondence, so that's legit.

We've also seen that Fritz, in his political testament of 1768, told his successor that Poland must be eaten by an artichoke: leaf by leaf, and he was very interested in getting that land bridge from Pomerania to East Prussia.

But Catherine said no in 1769, and apparently by 1771, Fritz didn't think it was going to happen and was playing cautious. What's interesting is that historians will *either* say the partition was Fritz's idea and he "sent" Heinrich (which is wrong), or they'll say it was Heinrich's idea (or that it was proposed to him at Catherine's court and he started selling it to Fritz) without mentioning that Fritz himself had actually proposed it just 2 years before. (Given that, he may genuinely have believed later on that just a few months later he was chatting about a partition with Joseph, since Russia and Poland and what to do about the situation was a major topic of their discussion.) I actually had to read Norman Davies, of all people, to see that Fritz had made this proposal in 1769 (and then I couldn't find it in the P.C., because he gets the date wrong and doesn't name Solms), and then get this book Amazon recommended on the Russo-Turkish War to tell me how to find the actual proposal by Fritz.

So the true story seems to be: Fritz had the idea first, but got pushback and gave up on it, and wasn't prepared to re-adopt the idea two years later because he was expecting more pushback. (If he thought it was just Heinrich's idea, it's understandable that Fritz didn't realize how much support the idea now had at the Russian court, because of his previous experience, whereas Heinrich, who was there in St. Petersburg, realized how much had changed in 2 years.)

You know, if it didn't seem out of character for Fritz, I would still wonder...if someone makes you a proposal, refusing it because you want more but think you will lose face if you ask directly, if your BATNA is good enough, is a known negotiating technique that I have used myself. And it worked out for Fritz the same way it worked out for me: they started offering him more to catch his interest, and instead of getting one territory (the initial offer), he got the whole land bridge that he needed.

But I don't know that Fritz had that kind of subtlety, and it definitely doesn't seem like he and Heinrich worked this out in advance. He seems genuinely annoyed that little brother has decided to go to St. Petersburg and, as we saw, says, "I could have explained so many things in person." (Except you never would, Fritz, because you would rather poke your own eyes out than entrust Heinrich with a negotiation in a country out of your reach.)

Oh, and I meant to tie Branicki and Mokranowski back to The King's Secret. Remember when I wrote:

Then there are intrigues in the Polish Diet! The upshot is that the French come out on top for the present: they manage to get a powerful noble to defect to the French side, and prevent an alliance with Austria and Russia.

, which happened back in 1752? The powerful noble who defects to the French side is Branicki, and Mokranowski, according to Broglie, is the guy who gets him to defect. It's very dramatic:

The Act of Confederation was placed in a tent, which was speedily besieged by a crowd eager to sign the document. Mokranowski, having cleared a passage for himself, suddenly advanced to the table, as if with the intention of adding his own signature, caught up the paper, and, holding it tight against his breast, declared that it should only be taken from him with his life. Then, followed by the multitude attracted by this daring action, he went straight to the dwelling of the Grand General, and there, in a loud voice which could be heard by every one, he explained to the aged patriot what would be the consequences of the proceeding to which he was about to commit himself. He showed him that behind the National Confederation was a foreign invasion, only awaiting the signal to commence; a Russian army already collected on the frontier and ready to march in aid of civil war; and, as a result of this odious intervention of the foreigner, not only a Treaty of Alliance contrary to the interest of Poland, but a revolution by which the ancient liberties of the citizens would be sacrificed to the royal power. Every one knows how versatile are the masses--" Every assembly is a mob," said Cardinal de Retz--even an assembly of nobles like that which the young speaker was addressing. The passion in his face, the fire of his language, spread like an electric shock through the crowd; and, at the last moment, his happy allusion to the designs of the Czartoryski, which were already suspected, touched each member of the assembly on a sensitive point, and a universal clamour arose. Yielding to the popular enthusiasm, the Grand General rose, and, clasping Mokranowski in his arms, thanked him for having saved the country, while the young man tore the document, which he still held, to pieces, and trod upon the fragments.

The Grand General is Branicki.

Unfortunately, the H-W biographer says H-W's dispatch home says the defection happened for more boring reasons, and that this episode goes back to Rulhière. If you read The King's Secret and the H-W bio, you will constantly see the former uncritically accepting Rulhière's take, and the latter claiming Rulhière is guilty of pro-French bias, and saying that if you read H-W's and the Comte de Broglie's actual envoy reports, you get a more realistic picture.

Salon discusses )
selenak: (DadLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
Somewhat belatedly as I just realised I haven't put them up here yet, my notes (from March this year) on the diary of Girolamo Lucchesini, lector and librarian to Friedrich II in his final years, later diplomat in the Prussian service, still later working as chamberlain for Napoleon's sister Elisa. Lucchesini was credited by contemporaries as different as Johann Georg von Zimmermann (who assures us that no one, but no one, looked sharper into Fritz' heart than "this witty, learned and amiable Italian" and Lehndorff in his 1783 diary ("He reminds me vividly of Count Algarotti, who used to occupy a similar position in the King‘s life. One can call his nature angelic") as being an immensly charming and amiable Fritz manager. Goethe, who met him a year after Fritz' death, had a positive impression as well about him as well but was a bit more salty about Lucchesini's, shall we say, adaptability: The arrival of the Marchese Lucchesini has pushed my departure to a few days; I have had a lot of pleasure getting to know him. He seems to me to be one of those people who have a good moral stomach to always be able to enjoy sitting at the table of the world's luminaries; instead of ours being overcrowded like a ruminant animal's at times and then unable to eat anything else until it has finished repeated chewing and digesting.

Like Henri de Catt, Lucchesini kept a diary during his early years as Fritz' reader, and unlike Catt, he wasn't later found out to have beefed up the resulting memoirs as if he were a historical novelist. However, reading through the (slim) published result, it became immediately apparant to me why Lucchesini's diary never achieved the same popularity as Catt's either with historians nor with the rest of us sensationalistic gossip mongers. (Starting with the very different circumstances - Catt starts his time as Fritz' reader mid Seven-Years-War when the inner and outer crisis of our anti hero couldn't be greater, Lucchesini starts in the 1780s when the last war is over and he's a cranky and lonely old man given to repeat himself.) I read Lucchesini's notes - and they're mostly notes - in two versions. Once in the original Italian, which is beyond me (school Latin and school French as well as some months in Italy many years ago left me with some fragmentary Italian, but that's it) but has a German introduction and German footnotes by Gustav B. Volz, and once in a German translation edited together with Catt's diary and those parts from Catt's memoirs actually based on his diary by Fritz Bischof in 1885.

My own notes on Lucchesini's notes, first round, the orignal version:

Il Re Federico holds forth )

No sooner had I finished reading this that Mildred found a translated-into-German version. The translation selection of Catt's memoirs and diary as well as Lucchesini's diary is edited and published by one Dr. Fritz Bischof in 1885. This enabled me to make notes on interesting to me details I hadn't understood before:

...and then we talked about vampires... )
selenak: (DadLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
While researching the Marchese di Lucchesini's diaries, I'd come across a quote in the introduction to said diaries that mentioned a volume IV of Lehndorff's diaries, covering a near decade of his retirement years. This, naturally, I had to check out.

It turned out to have been so very much worth it. Post-retirement Lehndorff may now have made his East Prussian family estate, Steinort, his main place of residence, but not only does he travel a lot (as you do, when retired, not poor and finally having your monarch's permission), but he makes annual trips to Berlin and to Rheinsberg, finding it impossible to stay away too long from the man who is still the love of his life. (Otherwise known as Prince Heinrich of Prussia.) All of which means a lot of gems like Lehndorff's meetings with colourful contemporaries, like not one but two of Catherine the Great's exes, and the Comte de Saint Germain, one of the most famous con men of the Rokoko age, but a continuing first row seat to the soap opera that is Hohenzollern family life.

Our Editor, Dr. K.Ed. Schmidt-Lötzen, thanks G. Volz - the very same - for helping him because the excentric ortography of some of those letters, and of the diaries themselves, are a trial, and Volz has gone through the hardcore school of decyphering Fritz letters. Also, our editor doesn’t know whether he’ll live long enough to publish all of Lehndorff’s journals (he wouldn't), because looking at all those volumes still ahead, he doubts it. Aw. Editor, some of this material will go up in flames in 1945, so we’re grateful for anything you published, you were doing an intense public service, believe me.

(Today, post WWII, there are far fewer manuscripts still in existence, but there are some, thankfully, in the Lehndorff family archive as preserved in the Leipzig State Archive.)

Now, onwards to what our Lehndorff wrote. Remember, when last we left him, he retired from Queen EC‘s service, said goodbye to Heinrich and went home to Eastern Prussia to his estate Steinort. Which, btw, is in Poland today, along with a lot of other locations that will be mentioned in this volume; some even are in Russia now.

1775 - 1776: Sons and Lovers (of Catherine II) )

1777: Time of the Tricksters (some of which Heinrich doesn't have sex with) )

1778-1780: We didn't start the fire! )

1781-1782: The Magical Mystery Tour )

1783-1784: Yours, Yours, Yours )

As promised, I'll finish with a Lehndorff entry from June that same year (1784), which this man, now in his 60s, who fell in love with Heinrich as far as I can tell from the tone of his entries on him during late 1751 and through 1752, writes thusly:

June 1784: From there, I hurry home, change my clothing and jump, after I had talked for a moment with my wife and her visitor, into the post carriage. In order to avoid the heat, I drive through the entire night and arrive on the 6th in the evening at Rheinsberg. I always experience a particular sensation whenever I get close to this charming place, when I think of the fact that in an hour, in half an hour, in a quarter of an hour I shall see Prince Heinrich again, who when it comes down to it has been for as long as I can remember the Prince whom I love best. I had all reason to be satisfied with his greeting. I cannot adequately render the emotion that moves inside me, but I am his, utterly and completely. (Ich bin auf jeden Fall ganz sein eigen.)
selenak: (Wilhelmine)
[personal profile] selenak
I.e. "Frederick the Great and Maria Theresia: in eye witness accounts." This actually was/is a series of books devoted to a particular era or historical figure(s); the first one of those I've read was "The French Revolution: In Eye Witness Accounts". The advantage is obvious: these are all either excerpts of primary sources, written at the time, or memoirs, written none too much later, arranged by subject, many of which might be difficult to track down individually. On the down side, you're also at the mercy of the editor, in terms of what he chooses to highlight or edit out.

Short assessment of Jessen as an editor )

All these nitpicks aside, though, it's a great source book, and in addition to containing by now familiar documents it had a lot of documents from which I only knew individual phrases, but not the entire texts, which sometimes recontextualize previously known quotes quite differently. I've excerpted some especially intriguing gems.

Hot or Not: Portraits of an Enigma )

Since the emphasis on this collection is on the Friedrich/Maria Theresia arch nemesis relationship, we get treated to several of the things they said and wrote about each other.

He said, she said: through the decades )


Not that Joseph's kind of being a Fritz fan ever went the Peter III. way. He believed in imitation via competition, which turned out to be even more disturbing to his mother than mere admiration would have been, since it affected the peace of her realms. Fast forward to more than a decade later, and Joseph is like Fritz in the worst way, i.e. by invading Bavaria. Here's Mom trying to argue him out of it, on March 14th, 1778, very much belying son Leopold's claim that she was half senile near the end of her life, for that letter, written two years before her death, shows Maria Theresia the politician at the top of her game:

Maria Theresia versus War: It's on! )

The last Fritz section goes on for a while longer. Jessen has the letter from Fritz - to D'Alembert, as it turns out, dated January 6th 1781 - which has the famously revisioninstic "I was never her enemy" quote in it; what I hadn't known before reading the complete letter was that he then, bereft of his best enemy, transitions right to his next target, German literature. Writes he:

MT and me, by Fritz, followed by: Why Shakespeare is rubbish, and German literature does not exist )
mildred_of_midgard: Frederick the Great statue (Frederick)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
[personal profile] selenak's write-up of the Pragmatic Sanction:

Pragmatic Sanction )

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard's write-up of the Silesian Wars at a high level, with emphasis on the first two:

Silesian Wars )

[personal profile] selenak fleshing out the non-Prussia side of the War of the Austrian Succession:

Austrian Succession )

A write-up of the Seven Years' War, with emphasis on Peter III, by [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard:

Russian shenanigans )

Peter III's life story. A little bit of context: this all started with [personal profile] selenak's hilarious crackfic in which our heroes and antiheroes are in a chatroom, and user HolsteinPete changes his handle to (P)RussianPete. [personal profile] cahn asked for the context on that, and [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard provided the following.

Holstein Pete )

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard on the War of the Polish Succession:

Polish Succession )

Not exactly a war, but definitely conquest: the geographical history of the region called Prussia, the Kingdom of Prussia, and the Polish partitions, by [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard.

Prussia and the Polish Partitions )

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