1740 and All That

Courtesy of Gustav Volz and a book called "Friedrich der Große und Trenck", aka "Trenck and Fritz: The Documents", we can now post an update and some clarification on the mysterious Trenck affair.

Said book consists of a lengthy text in which Volz skewers Trenck's various claims similar to Koser skewering Henri de Catt, and then of the documents themselves which he refers to in the text already. Overall summary: Trenck is a lying lying who lies, but both Fritz and the Austrians did weird stuff (unmentioned by Trenck in his memoirs) that makes the entire affair even more confusing.

( Lies, Prison and Pardons: The Rebound Version )

Of all the foreign diplomats serving at the court of Friedrich II., Andrew Mitchell certainly had the most exciting time of it. He started his time as the British envoy in the April of 1756, spent the entire Seven Years War in the field with Fritz - and occasionally with Heinrich -, and remained British envoy till his death in 1771 in Berlin, where he was buried in the Dorotheenstädter Kirche; Fritz attended his funeral, and a memorial bust of him in the church was paid for by Heinrich and some other friends. (Said church was reduced to rubble by the Allied bombing on November 22, 1943, and the area today is a park. Not to be confused with the Dorotheenstädter Friedhof.)

Mitchell's various dispatches, private letters and journals - one by his own hand, one dictated to his secretary - were edited and published in 1850 in two volumes by Andrew Bisset, about whom more below. Given how by now we've come across various memoirs which were either severely cut (Trenck, Thiebault) and even rewritten (Thiebault) in later editions, or memoirs which are better described as historical novels courtesy of the memoir writer (Catt), the questions "How reliable is Mitchell?" and "how reliable is Bisset?" as well as "what are their respective biases and agendas?" are important.

( Andrew Bisset and the world of 1850 )

So much for the editor. On to Andrew Mitchell himself. His general reputation in other people's memoirs and diaries is a good one.

( Lehndorff about Andrew Mitchell )

Mitchell is an Aberdeen Scot, friends especially with James Keith (who when he writes about his death he laments wasn't "always used" as well as he could have been), is also friends with Lord Auchinleck, father of James Boswell, and thus will be visited by Boswell when Boswell is on the Grand Tour. (See about the Boswell-Mitchell connection here.) In this context, he's described as " an Aberdeen Scotsman, creditable to his country, hardheaded, sagacious, sceptical of shows, but capable of recognising substances withal, and of standing loyal to them stubbornly if needful".

One big reason why I don't think Mitchell's papers were rewritten with hindsight, either by hismself before his death or by Bisset in 1850, is that they repeatedly feature him making judgments he later changes his mind about, whether about the French dominating the alliance against Fritz (they didn), or about the people he meets. This is a striking difference to memoirists like Catt who have themselves always be correct in their opinions from the get go. One case in point: Mitchell changing his opinion of Prince Heinrich around 180° during the course of the war.

( Mitchell's Henry: from scum to hero )

Now, the main reason why we looked up Mitchell is that his 1757 journal contains an actual bona fide mention of Katte by Fritz, albeit a brief one, and a far more extensive description of the FW methods of child raising. Bearing in mind that the Katte story in Catt's memoirs has no counterpart in Catt's diary: would Mitchell have either made this up, or presented an account by someone else on Katte and Fritz' childhood as being said by Fritz? (Which Catt also did.)

Of course it's in Mitchell's interests to present himself as being in the confidence of the King to his superiors - that's an envoy's top goal. And it's important to note that the intermittent journals he writes aren't private journals in our sense, or like Lehndorff's diary; they are written so he can draw on them for his later dispatches home, and with the awareness that if pressed for time, he might just send the entire journal.. But I really doubt he would invent a Katte & Küstrin conversation for that purpose; mid 7 Years War, there are other concerns. Which means I do think what he quotes Fritz saying is indeed the horse's mouth. Further support for this is the phrasing. "He talked much of the obligations he had towards the Queen Mother, and of the affection he has for his sister the Margravine of Bayreuth, with whom he has been bred." (In the entry after SD's death news reach the camp.) If you remember, in his letters to Heinrich, Fritz keeps saying "I was brought up with her" or "think that I was born and raised with my sister of Bayreuth". Conclusion: Mitchell is quoting authentic Fritz.

( The entire 1757 entry: Fritz about his childhood, Katte and Küstrin )

Mitchell recording frequently erronous predictions about what's going on with the enemy - both by Fritz and himself - also highlights how much Prussian and British intelligence through the 7 Years War was dictated by wishful thinking. And by understandable paranoia, as with Mitchell's side-eyeing Fritz' ongoing Voltaire correspondance.

( Spy reports and Voltaire-addicted monarchs )

Not that Mitchell in general strikes one as gullible. A great example of Mitchell being a good judge of character and seeing through hyperbole in either direction is when he has his first chat with the Russian envoy post coup (that brings Catherine to power and deposes her husband Peter III), on August 6th, 1762, and writes:

( Mitchell on Peter III, preceding current historians by more than 200 years )

Like everyone else who hung out with Fritz for longer, Andrew Mitchell also got treated to the King's literary efforts and asked for feedback. This was a potentially dicy situation ably solved :

( Fritz as a writer, by Andrew Mitchell )

Mitchell's editor Bisset has his own early Victorian take on Frederick the Great's literary efforts:

( Fritz as a writer, by Andrew Bisset )

Something else Mitchell changes his opinions about is the terrible price paid by the civilian population for the war. Early on, in 1756, Fritz invading Saxony is a bold strategic choice Mitchell is totally behind, even if he's a bit disturbed at the occasional plundering. By the end of 1760/ start of 1761, though, he's horrified by the way the Saxons are treated. (He's also horried that Fritz and Heinrich are at odds about this and in one of their "I'm not talking to you" stages and reports "I have laboured underhand with the Prussian Ministers here to bring about some reconciliation, but they have made no progress. They are well disposed, but timid." Mitchell, getting between Fritz and Heinrich must have been only slightly less uncomfortable than getting between FW and Fritz, so no surprise there.) Some choice quotes showing Mitchell the war reporter. The difference to early Mitchell accounts tonally resembles US reports on WWII vs US reports on Vietnam:

( Apocalypse Now )

And if you think this implicit war time criticism of Fritz that goes with "abject flattery" is remarkable, wait for Mitchell in full critical mode post 7 Years War.

( Hohenzollerns in peace time are a trial )

The Trier Archive version of the Fritz/Wilhelmine correspondance, as with the as with the other correspondances, consists of 70% - 80% Fritz letters, though in this case I know this isn't because Wilhelmine's (after the mid 1730s, when Fritz is out of postal parental control) replies don't exist as well. There's a German published selection of their correspondance titled "Solange wir zu zweit sind" - "as long as we are two", or "as long as there are the two of us", which is a Fritz quote from one of the letters - which puts the emphasis way more on dialogue and thus post mid 30s renders it as a back and thro. Unfortunately, I only have an audio version of "So lange wir zu zweit sind" in my possession, which makes literal quoting far more difficult. While the following write up and quotes are mainly from the Trier archive, I have also inserted some of my earlier summaries from the audio, which contain more paraphrases and less direct quotes for that reason.

( Two Siblings, No Chill: The 30s and 40s )

( Erlangen journalists, Marwitz (female) and Maria Theresia, oh, my! )

( Greek myths and living Italians )

( OMG Voltaire! )

( Three funerals and a wedding )

( More things between heaven and earth: philosphizing siblings at large )

( And in the end... )

Since imo if there's a radio active core at the bottom of the fraternal hateship Fritz/Heinrich, it's what happened with brother August Wilhelm more than anything else, including Fritz' behavior in war (though the two are connected), I thought I might present some collected details from the letters in the Trier archive and those biographer Ziebura made available. With the Greeks, before every tragedy, there is a farce. The tragedy happens in 1757/1758, the farce happens in the summer of 1749.

( Brotherly Conduct I: The Prelude )

( Brotherly Conduct II: The Main Act )

( Brotherly Conduct III: The Aftermath )


Addendum: ( The same event as presented by Fritz to his reader Henri de Catt )

Friedrich Wilhelm I. and Sophia Dorothea of Hannover had thirteen children in their extremely dysfunctional marriage, ten of whom made it into adulthood. Here, I’m collecting summarizings and quotes about and from younger sisters Ulrike (Queen of Sweden) and her family as well as of Amalie, the sole unmarried and youngest Hohenzollern sister. Some crossover with earlier posts is inevitable. Sources are wikipedia entries, the various biographies of their brothers already posted about so far, and the correspondances as well as, in Amalie’s case, her maybe-boyfriend’s memoirs.

( Ulrike, or, Rokoko Dallas in Sweden )

Amalie

Since she was the unmarried sister who more or less lived with Fritz, there are plenty of quotes about her in Lehndorff’s diary, see the post there for additional material on Amalie. Like Big Bro and Big Sister, she had serious musical skills, composed and ended up with the best collection of Bach (both Johann Sebastian and his sons, one of whom worked for Fritz) manuscripts around. There is a big question mark about her younger days, which has inspired gossip and speculation ever since the 18th century. The question mark comes into the shape of one Friedrich von Trenck. (Memoirs available at Gutenberg.)

( The Mysterious Trenck Affair, Summarized According To Trenck )

In any event, Amalie during the 7 Years War was the only one of the sisters whom Fritz repeatedly asked to join him for a brief visit. Since the war aside, she mostly lived near him, I wasn‘t surprised that there aren‘t many letters preserved (or at least available, not necessarily the same thing) between them, but what there is does allow us a glimpse at Fritz and his younger siblings (plural, because there are repeated comments on Heinrich, not to mention that Amalie witnessed AW‘s death), especially the 7 Years War letters.

( Youngest Sister, Oldest Brother, Other Brothers )

Eva Ziebura wrote several Hohenzollern biographies which have proved to be fantastic sources. In this post, I’m collecting my quotes and summarizing of her biography on August Wilhelm (second son of FW, Crown Prince during Fritz‘ reign until his untimely death), her biography of Heinrich (third son, life long alter ego, key hater and key supporter of his brother in one) and one of the three unwanted wives of Fritz, August Wilhelm (AW) and Heinrich.

( August Wilhelm )

( Three Unwanted Wives for Three Brothers )

( Heinrich )

(Male) Qualifier added because there's also a Marwitz (Female) Affair involving Hohenzollern siblings.

The documented facts are these:

a) Diary entry by Lehndorff from 1756, giving the following summary:

Morning with the King. All are delighted to see our sovereign, and one would adore him if only this great man were a bit more gracious to those who want to adore him. But nothing is more humiliating than having to stand around and to wait for hours to at last see someone who doesn't grace us with a look. The fear which princes inspire only signifies their power. Awe is inspired by their dignity; their true glory springs from the estimation and personal respect one has for them. Friedrich does enjoy this precious advantage, and he would be loved, too, if only he numbered kindness among his qualities.

I renew my acquaitance with a man I had not seen since the year 1749. It is a young Marwitz, who started his career as page with the King, and who became a favourite with him as well as with Prince Heinrich. This affection went so far that the two royal brothers turned incredibly furious on each other for his sake. The young page was sent away, but due to urgent pleadings on Prince Heinrich's side, he got a commission in the guard. Some time later, the Prince accused him of falsehood and bad manners, and banished him completely from his company. Since then, the King has occasionally favoured him with his grace, but in the next moment sends him to guard duty and treats him like a criminal. This man now resurfaces on the horizon; the Prince tells me that he is quite amiable, that he invites him to his parties again, and the King has made him his batman. He posseses wit and is somewhat strongly fantastical; I consider him malicious.

In the evening, the whole royal family dines with the Queen Mother.


b) Letters from Fritz to younger brother Heinrich, written in March 1746:

Heinrich got sick near the end of carnival time and thus is in Berlin, when Fritz (who is in Potsdam) writes to him on March 3rd, 1746:

"I am glad to hear you are recovering from your colic. Don't go out again too early, and allow your body time to recover. Your little favourite is doing very well, and if he remains good, you'll soon see him again. Right now, he's pining for love and is composing elegies full of hot kisses in your honor which he intends to give you upon your return. I advise you not to exhaust yourself so that you have enough strength to express your love. The happiness of the immortals will not be equal to yours, and you will be able to drink rivers of lust in the arms of your beloved.

Adieu, mon cher Henri. I hope your illness will be the last with which you will worry my friendship for you, and that I shall soon be able to enjoy your amiable company without having to worry about you.

This is still sounds like more or less good natured big brotherly teasing (for Fritz). The next letter, alas, does not. It's dated on March 6th, 1756.

My dear Heinrich, no, there is no crueller martyrdom than separation! How to live for a moment without the one you love? (...) Our sighs travel on country roads, and we pour our heart out as messages of our unhappy souls flying away like doves. Oh! Oh! The faithless man has forgotten me! says a certain person. Already a day has passed without a sigh of his has reached me! Surely, he's become faithless! He doesn't love me anymore! No, he doesn't love me anymore! If I had the courage, I'd tell this charming sad person: "That's no more than you deserve, you damned whore! Didn't you want to infect my poor brother with your gonorhoe? Oh! If he listened to me, he'd turn his love towards a worthier object and would send you to hell with all your nice little qualities, of which your STD, your vanity, your lies and your recklessness are but the least.
I do apologize for having committed the sacrilege of having dared to speak so dismissively of your angel's qualities. I do hope you'll forgive me.

Whatever Heinrich replied, Fritz was still not done, and wrote again the next day, March 7th:

There is little more admirable than your fidelity. Since Pharamon and Rosamunde, Cyrus and Mandone, Pierre de Provence and the beautiful Madlone one hasn't seen the like. If you'll allow me, I'll write a novel titled "Fidelity. Love. Henri and the beautiful Marwitz", and it would be a novel so delicate, so tender, so sentimental and so sensual that it would be instructive to our youth. I would paint the gonorhea-ridden Marwitz in such lovely colors, I'd equip him with all the wit he believes himself to have, and I would above all describe all his coy affectations, as far as I was able to, with which he seems to signal silently to everyone: 'Look at me, am I not a pretty boy? Doesn't everyone have to love me, adore me, worship me? What, you little villain, you resist? You haven't yet put your heart at my feet? As for you, my angel, you'll have to die of love for me.'
Afterwards, I must describe the details of his figure, the charm of his wide shoulders, his supposedly heavy but actually seductive walk - in a word - but I can't continue, for otherwise my novel will be written by someone else. To you, my dear Heinrich, I reccommend to eat a lot, drink a lot and sleep a lot. Stay for some more days in Berlin, and do justice to my tenderness for you.

Again, we don't have Heinrich's reply. Fritz sounds a bit more apologetic and tries to pass it off as fraternal teasing in the last letter relating to this affair, dated March 9th:

I do hope, my dear Heinrich, that this explanation will mollify you. I haven't said anything detrimental regarding your fidelity. I only listed the famously faithful couples known in history, with whom, incidentally, you can't really compare yourself, for your separation has lasted only ten days so far, and your little sweetheart lives only four miles away from you. Moreover, you can be sure to see him again soon. Pharamon had to wait for ten years before seeing Rosamonde again. I dare say there's a difference. I do hope, dear Heinrich, that this silliness don't rob me of your friendship, and that you will do me more justice in the future. But don't demand me of me that I should take your little romance seriously, and don't sulk over my jokes regarding a matter which wasn't an insult. Adieu, mon cher Henri, and believe me, I didn't hurt you intentionally.

c) The Wartime Diary of Heinrich's AD Victor Amadeus Henckel von Donnersmarck covering the years 1756 - 1758. These were later published by Henckel von Donnersmarck's grandson. Notes Henckel on page 220, June 5th 1757: "On the 5th, the King sent his Quartermaster-Lieutenant and AD, Hauptmann Marwitz, with two Saxon Regiments to Colonel Meier who was camping outside of Nuremberg in order to help him. However, the rumor spread that not this but to go to the Duke of Bevern had been his true mission. This Marwitz had played several roles in his life. He'd started as a page of the King and had sometimes been in favour, sometimes in disgrace. The King had lowered himself to teach him himself, had given him his own books and works to use, and had even comissioned him to write his history."

The German phrasing doesn't make it clear whether "his history" means the King's history or Marwitz' history. Also, Henckel still doesn't grace us with a first Name for Marwitz. And note that as opposed to Lehndorff, he seems not to be informed about the romantic history Marwitz has with Heinrich. (Which probably says something about the different types of relationships Heinrich has with Lehndorff and Henckel respectively.) However, by providing us with the information that in-and-out-of-favour former page Marwitz ended up as Quartermaster in the Seven-Years-War, he allows us to identify Marwitz the former page with the Marwitz honored by Heinrich at the Obelisk he built in Rheinsberg, in memory of his brother August Wilhelm as well as 27 other men whom he felt to have been wronged by his brother Friedrich. This is what the inscription at the Obelisk says about Marwitz the quartermaster:

von Marwitz, quartermaster of the King's army. Earned great merits in all wars, was present in all battles and distinguished himself in several incidents. He died in 1759, at the age of thirty-six. Perhaps his value and merits would be forgotten if this monument did not honor his memory.

(All the Rheinsberg Obelisk transcriptions are available in German here.)


d) "Die Pagen am Brandenburg-Peußischem Hofe, 1415 - 1895", a book published in 1895 by a gentleman named von Scharfenorf, Captain A.D. , librarian and teacher at the Cadet Academy, which tells the story of the pages at the Hohenzollern courts for the centuries advertised in the title, and which uses, among other things, the detailed accounts of the Fredersdorf-as-treasurer era of Fritz' court as source material, offers two references to a page who could be "our" Marwitz. In 1742, the page G.W. von der Marwitz hands out money to the poor on royal command after the troop parade at Neisse in the church courtyard (the money in question is four Taler eight Groschen). In 1746, a page von der Marwitz, no initials provided this time in the book, is listed as receiving 66 Taler "Abreisegeld", which technically could mean either travel expenses or severance pay, though since "Abreise", as opposed to "Reise", means "departure", not "journey", I'm tempted to go with the later. (1746 as the year is significant because Fritz' letters to Heinrich referencing "Marwitz" are thankfully dated, see above.)

e) This letter from Fritz to Heinrich dated July 8th 1759 contains a single sentence mentioning Marwitz, but this one highly significant: Marwitz vient de mourir à Landshut d'une fièvre chaude mêlée de rougeole, "Marwitz has died in Landshut of a hot fever caused by measles".
1759 is the year Quartermaster Marwitz from the Rheinsberg Obelisk inscription has died, so this definitely is the same person. Now the Marwitz family is still large enough that it's possible that Fritz had more than one page of that name in the 1740s who was in and out of favor, and that the one who died in 1759 doesn't have to be the same Marwitz mentioned in the 1746 letters. However, it's worth pointing out that there were several members of the Marwitz clan serving in the 7 Years War - including, for example, the one who will later refuse to sack Hubertsburg -, and yet Fritz does not consider it necessary to tell Heinrich which Marwitz he means in his 1759 remark; he takes it for granted that Heinrich will know whom he's talking about. Which would make sense if this Marwitz had personal meaning beyond other members of his family to both brothers. Droysen, who edited the "Political Correspondence" in which this letter is included in the 19th century, identifies the Marwitz who died as Georg Wilhelm von der Marwitz in the personal register.

f.) As of March 30th 2021, wikipedia has an entry identifying Marwitz the page/quartermaster as Georg Wilhelm von der Marwitz. The references in the footnotes of this new Wikipedia entry are those sources we've listed above. There's still a margin of error possible - for example, we don't know how Droysen made the identification of the Marwitz who died in July 1759 as Georg Wilhelm - but it does look extremely likely know that all these references, from page G.W. von der Marwitz who has to hand out money to the poor in 1742 to Quartermaster Marwitz from the Rheinsberg Obelisk inscription are the same person and that person featured in a triangle with Friedrich and Heinrich.